Recently, Westminster has been the subject of inaccurate worldwide press coverage. Rarely, especially over the past few months, has the “mother of parliaments” served as the focal point of such political theater. First, on September 6, 2022, his Conservative parliamentary colleagues forced out the larger-than-life, amiable, charismatic, and bombastic Prime Minister Boris Johnson because he was deemed unfit for government (he told so many lies to so many audiences).
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Then Liz Truss entered; she appeared to be a right-wing party member who was honest, straightforward, and unflappable. Her party, the British economy, and her evangelical, puritanical, severe ideological approach to policy were struck by a thunderbolt that shook them both. In regards to her proposal for “high growth,” tax-cutting conservatism, she was immediately compelled to back down. It is referred to as “trickle down” economics in everyday speech. It is the debunked notion that society benefits more from allowing the wealthiest individuals the freedom to increase their income by paying less in taxes.
Eventually, the prosperity that resulted would spread to the rest of society. The establishment, particularly the trinity of the financial markets, media, and treasury “mandarins,” stiffly resisted her attempts to drive that down the throat of the British populace (top civil servants). When the pressure grew too severe, she reacted by dismissing her ideological partner and the astute finance minister, Kwasi Kwarteng, in an effort to soothe the frayed nerves.
But when they smelled blood, the scavengers attacked her even more vehemently. After barely 45 days in office, she ultimately gave in to the pressure and announced her resignation as prime minister on October 20 2022.
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Like another well-known Nigerian politician, Truss had a lifelong goal of leading her nation’s government. She had no idea what fate had in store for her when she finally got the job. So that anyone gets the wrong idea, a Nigerian politician in Truss’ position wouldn’t have quit. He would have mocked his critics and put an end to their “campaign of calumny.”
The main point of this essay is why it is practically hard to assassinate a prominent politician and knock him off his perch in this region of the world. And not for the reasons you may assume. It has to do with something more fundamental, systemic resilience, and an absurd idea of what it means to be a citizen.
In the UK, being appointed to a ministerial position is an invitation to serve. In Nigeria, a comparable appointment is to “come and dine.” In her letter of resignation, Truss stated, “We outlined a blueprint for a low-tax, high-growth economy that would benefit from the liberties afforded by Brexit. I am aware, though, that the circumstances prevent me from carrying out the Conservative Party’s mandate for my election. As a result, I have informed His Majesty the King that I am stepping down as Conservative Party leader. This may seem very lofty, but she didn’t say it until her attempt to maintain her position of power had failed. She had received word from the “vultures” (some of her parliamentary colleagues) that they.
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Suella Braverman, who had just been named Truss’s new home secretary, had already submitted her resignation from the cabinet on October 19, 2022, “with the utmost regret,” for breaking the ministerial code. “Earlier today, I forwarded an official document from my personal email to a trusted parliamentary colleague,” she admitted in her resignation letter. Technically, the rules have been broken here. I hold myself to the highest standards as Home Secretary, so it’s the appropriate thing for me to quit. Again, it seems like this is being done out of a feeling of duty, ministerial skill, or something similarly lofty. But upon closer inspection, she was ejected. Her statement’s “technical violation” was actually “market-sensitive.” Such information is equivalent to “inside information” that can be traded for money in the market if it is accidentally disclosed to a coworker.
In other words, if she hadn’t chosen to resign, she would have been fired. In the UK and other Western democracies, resignations from high offices are frequently announced in such flowery, lofty terms since doing so opens the door to redemption in the future. It makes the possibility of returning to a high office sooner or later. They claim that when sinners repent, the heavens rejoice. Some regions of Africa also experience this, but to a lesser level. Following the acceptance of Thabo Mbeki’s resignation in September 2008 by the Parliament, eleven African National Congress (ANC) cabinet members from South Africa resigned. In June 2021, Firmin Ngrebada and his entire cabinet submitted their resignations as prime minister of the Central African Republic.
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This came after a dispute about the government’s alleged “tight links” with Moscow, which incensed France, which had been beefing up the nation’s military.
Additionally, in Burkina Faso, the government’s inability to stop the wave of Islamist attacks on their nation sparked growing unrest in December 2021, which led to the resignation of Prime Minister Christophe Joseph Marie Dabire and his entire cabinet. In April 2022, almost a year after taking office, Prime Minister Patrick Achi of the Ivory Coast submitted his resignation as well as the resignation of his whole cabinet to President Alassane Ouattara. He was blamed for his “incompetence.”
Not too long ago, on October 11, 2022, the Republic of Chad’s Prime Minister Albert Padacke resigned, opening the door for a new administration after the nation postponed elections by two years. A civilian politician named Padacke was appointed prime minister of a military transitional administration last year after President Mahamat Deby took over following the passing of his father. Originally intended to rule for 18 months, the military has now postponed democratic elections until 2024.
In contrast, when the Nigerian general elections of 2023 were declared open, a number of ministers hurried to the headquarters of political parties to select nomination forms while they were still in office, in defiance of the President’s order that such individuals first resign. Even Godwin Emefiele, the ostensibly apolitical governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, had the gall to publicly seek nomination for president. However, many of them quickly returned to their tasks after realizing that they had a slim chance of winning in their party, doing so without so much as batting an eye.
The reader would have noticed that the recent wave of resignations from the UK’s government and from several African states’ governments occurred in those countries where the institution of government is distinct from the presidency. The head of government and the head of state are different and distinct roles in a parliamentary system of government. In this system, the presidency ensures that the government remains in place even as ministers come and leave. The President’s term is, nevertheless, essentially mathematically determined in a federal government. The dates on which Mr. President takes office and steps down are fixed in stone. He is the great and mighty Chief Executive.
The “father of the nation” and his cabinet are shielded from internal and external pressure. The National Assembly’s impeachment process is the only one that may be used, however it is useless when the president’s party holds a majority. Additionally, it is extremely challenging to pass an impeachment resolution that will receive a two-thirds majority in both Houses where it does not have a general majority. It is often believed that this system ensures stability. The issue is that it is a double-edged sword since it provides stability for both a capable, people-focused cabinet and a rogue cabinet.Is this another another justification for “restructuring,” a plea for participation from the populace, or merely another dismal reflection on the status of Nigeria’s political life? You get to make that choice.
